Harvard Business Review
March 21, 2017
Where Both the ACA and AHCA Fall Short, and What the Health Insurance Market Really Needs
By David Blumenthal and Sara Collins
To
understand the ongoing battles about the individual, or non-group,
markets and their reform, three points should be kept in mind.
First,
these insurance markets were distressed before the enactment of the
Affordable Care Act. Second, the ACA improved their functioning but was
not sufficient as passed and implemented to stabilize all of them.
Neither, however, is the American Health Care Act (AHCA), the repeal and
replacement legislation proposed by House Republicans and embraced by
President Trump. Third, the reforms that will improve individual
markets, which we discuss below, are known. They include greater balance
between premium subsidies and penalties for not taking up coverage,
using proven mechanisms for stabilizing risks such as reinsurance, and
accelerating efforts to control the costs of health care services. To
date, the United States has just lacked the political will to adopt
them.
What to do
There is no great mystery about how to shore up private insurance markets.
First,
we need to create balanced risk pools that include both healthy and
less healthy persons in individual insurance markets. This will require
two types of actions. Subsidies for young healthy consumers must be
increased without decreasing those for older Americans so that so-called
young invincibles find the prices of insurance less off-putting but the
neediest customers in individual markets can still afford to
participate.
However, reducing financial
barriers for good risks will not suffice. Unlike many other purchases in
our lives, buying insurance is difficult, confusing, and provides
little short-term gratification; so healthy young people will always
tend to avoid it. That is why creating healthy risk pools for individual
markets will require something like the individual mandate that has
been so unpopular with conservatives. Unless consumers are required to
purchase insurance — or face a meaningful penalty — individual markets
may not function effectively over the long term. By meaningful, we mean a
financial penalty that equals or exceeds the cost of buying insurance
in the first place.
Second, we need to extend
subsidies higher up the income scale than the ACA’s limit of 400% of the
federal poverty level. This will enable more non-poor individuals — who
tend to have lesser disease burdens — to purchase insurance.
Unfortunately, health insurance has become so expensive in the United
States that even many middle-income families cannot afford to purchase
it without the kind of assistance that employers routinely offer their
employees.
Third, if we want private insurers
to participate in ensuring that Americans have access to affordable
insurance, the business of selling this product must be viable. This
means managing the inherent uncertainties associated with selling
insurance in comparatively unpredictable individual markets. The most
effective approaches — used in the Medicare private drug-insurance
market without controversy — are reinsurance and risk corridors. The
first of these means assuring that reinsurance is available and
affordable for plans selling individual and small group products. Risk
corridors protect plans that accumulate unexpectedly high risks by
giving them access to funds collected from insurers that experience
unexpectedly low risks.
Fourth, and perhaps
most important, public and private stakeholders must accelerate efforts
to control the costs of health care services, which are the primary
determinants of the cost of health insurance in all markets, including
employer-sponsored, individual, and public. One reason that other
countries find it easier to insure their entire populations is that
their costs of care are half or less what ours are.
The
key to controlling health care costs in the United States is to
implement aggressively the payment and delivery-system reforms that were
included in the Affordable Care Act but rarely discussed in current
debates.
The facts are clear. We can revive
individual markets that were failing even before the ACA was enacted and
are vital to making affordable care available to Americans. But we will
have to pay for that revival — politically and fiscally.
David
Blumenthal, MD, is president of the Commonwealth Fund. Sara Collins is
the Commonwealth Fund’s vice president for health care coverage and
access.
===
Comment by Don McCanne
It
is quite appropriate that this article was published in the Harvard
Business Review since it finds solutions to the deficiencies of both the
Affordable Care Act (ACA) and the proposed American Health Care Act
(AHCA) in the private health care insurance marketplace. The authors’
proposals are to use government regulations and funds to create a robust
market for private insurance plans - an approach that Harvard MBAs
understand and support.
They would make the
individual mandate more effective by penalizing nonparticipants with a
penalty equal to or larger than the insurance premiums. Forcing
individuals to buy plans with excessive deductibles and inadequate
provider networks is a cruel policy.
They would
increase subsidies for middle-income individuals but that would still
push individuals into low-actuarial value plans, not solving the
problems of impaired access due to narrow networks and unaffordable
out-of-pocket costs.
They would relieve
insurers of bearing risk through the use of reinsurance and risk
corridors. Insurers would be reduced to providing a profusion of
expensive administrative functions, while being protected against the
usual insurance function of bearing risk, allowing their actuaries to
concentrate on profits instead of risk.
They
would more aggressively control health care costs but do so through the
payment and delivery-system reforms of ACA which have already proven to
be quite ineffective. They acknowledge that other countries insure
everyone at costs of care that are “half or less what ours are.”
Well
how do those other nations include everyone and pay an average of half
of what we do? Certainly not by embellishing the private insurance
markets and throwing a bunch of government money at them. Yes, some
countries do use private insurance but they are so heavily regulated
that they qualify as social insurance programs. The governments require
that the financing system serves first the needs of patients whereas we
structure ours to serve first the needs of insurers while leaving
patients exposed to financial hardship and impaired access.
Today
we are at a decision point between ACA and AHCA. Absent any last minute
back-door deals, the likely outcome will be the defeat of AHCA, and
president Trump will walk, leaving ACA in place with little hope for
even the very modest changes suggested by Commonwealth’s Blumenthal and
Collins. And if it should pass in both the House and the Senate, an
unlikely outcome, we will be even worse off than we are.
Instead
of a debate between ACA and AHCA, the debate should have been between
ACA/AHCA and an improved Medicare for all. We can still have that debate
by continuing to educate the public on the deficiencies of ACA and the
virtues of single payer Medicare for all, but we will have to make our
presence felt lest we get lost in the next agenda item that the
Republicans really want - altering the tax system to shift more income
and wealth from the workers to the wealthy. That will really be bad for
the physical and fiscal health of our nation and its people.
No comments:
Post a Comment